The Multiplicity of Masculinity
Benjamin Kandt
Answering
the question of what it means to be a man has always been a individual and
difficult process. Different cultures may emphasize different details, and even
different families may rearrange the importance of individual criteria. What
I’m interested in exploring in this essay is the interaction of two culturally
different masculinities, and how they compete in the arena of the international
zones of China. Masculinity as it is used in this essay refers, in general, to
the details the make up a ‘male’ gendered identity. Individual interviewees
create different masculinities through their selection of which details
represent masculinity to them, and this creates a complex web of associations
that is far from homogenous. It touches upon questions of demographics, race,
age, birthplace, class and even that of gender. As this is a comparative essay,
both American masculinity and Chinese masculinity will be examined. While there
are many more aspects to the interaction between these two cultures, there is not
enough time in this essay to address them all, so it will focus on the
phenomenon of American men dating Chinese women in China.
In the
process of asking people what masculinity was, several problems arose. Even
with the expectation of multiple, varied responses, trying to determine an
‘American’ masculinity, as in one that is nationwide, both obscures and
marginalizes the differences that come about due to region, ethnicity and more.
If pressed, most respondents pointed to a media based portrayal of masculinity,
commonly seen in television programs and big budget movies. As one respondent,
Frank, put it, “The generic movie protagonist is male, opinionated, aggressive,
and dominant. I think of James Bond.”[1]
Of note is that the notion of masculinity based on media blurs the borders of
regions, as evidenced in the reference to the Bond series, which are based on
novels by a British author. In another interview, with Kyle, he said,
“Masculinity has two forms, the childish one, where you make everyone do what you
want, and the mature one, where you have power, but use it with restraint.”[2]
As mentioned before, this concept of masculinity is not easy to settle upon,
Kyle felt the need to break up two portrayals of men in media as two separate
masculinities. In trying to freeze upon a solid masculinity, we find the
concept shatters into pieces, none of which contain an overriding claim to
innateness.
When we
ask for an ‘outside’ view of American masculinity, that is, from American
women, the answers are different in a telling way- “I think of physique, and
physical appearance.” “I think of the clothing they wear, the uniform.”
“There’s a day in spring, when you see this uniform, that all these guys wear,
and then you know it’s spring.”[3]
During the interview, there was little in the way of mentality or emotional
nature brought up in regards to masculinity. The closest the two women came was
in discussing the media portrayal of masculinity (which they admitted the
majority of their conception was based upon). Jenny said, “There’s an
association between patriotism and masculinity, where men protect their family,
and their country, and often the country comes first.”[4]
On the other hand, when I interviewed Amy, she pointed out a quote from
Frederick Douglas, (I cannot find her version of this quote, but have included
the closest corresponding one I can find online[5].)
“What makes a man is his ability to care for others, to show compassion and to
stand up for those who cannot themselves.”[6]
Regardless of accuracy, this shows a different view from the earlier stated
one. Amy’s conception of masculinity is divorced from appearance and physique,
instead focusing on the mentality behind action. This is interesting when
compared with the two masculinities proposed by Kyle. It seems that there are
two strains of thought regarding masculinity, split by their outward appearance
and inward expression. As the focus of this paper is more on the conceptions of
masculinity than on the complexities of identity formation, we’ll delve no deeper
into that aspect.
From
another ‘other’ point of view, the conceptions of American masculinity as told
by Chinese nationals included terms like, “Strong body. Athletic. Confidence.
Smart. Mature.”[7]
That was the perspective of a man, similar to before, the focus of one woman’s
impressions were different. “Tall, that’s the first impact. Baseball Cap,
that’s the second. And strong, mainly the appearance.”[8]
While Li admitted she didn’t know much about American men, she also mentioned
that they seemed more “independent. American men are more independent than
Chinese men.” So like Jenny and Lila, appearance came first, but also like
them, she considered her actual knowledge of what men were like lacking. Her
mention of independence however is telling in that most of the other
interviewees didn’t discuss that explicitly. In contrast to Li, however, Wang
claimed that Chinese masculinity was just like American masculinity.[9]
In summary, American masculinity comes in two diverse, but distinctive strains.
Physical appearance focused and mentality focused. The two are not mutually
exclusive by nature, but the majority of subjects held them separate when
discussing masculinity. Also, the physical aspect of masculinity was emphasized
more by those who admitted to having less knowledge of American men, which
could result in their opinions being heavily influenced by media portrayals. In
terms of how American masculinity is perceived in China, it isn’t a large
stretch to say that the popular media portrayal is likely to be most of the
exposure that Chinese people have to make judgments by, and if they think in
ways similar to those interviewed, they will focus on the physical appearances.
Having
problematized the conception of American masculinity, we next need to look at
Chinese masculinity. Just as American conceptions are complicated and
fragmented, so too is the conception of a Chinese masculinity. “The first big
split is North and South. The guys in the south are more effeminate, while the
guys in the north are taller and buffer. In the south, I was shocked to see men
carrying their girlfriend’s bags.”[10]
As another interviewee commented on that situation, “If that happened in
America, people would question their masculinity”[11]
This is an instance where a masculine figure is questioned, lending credence to
Li’s interpretation of differences in independence. Another emphasis on
masculine identity in China was the matter of one’s family, of duties and
obligations to them. Also, the appearance of Chinese men, their ‘uniform’ as mentioned
by Jenny and Lila is the same as American men, but, “Their uniform doesn’t
match what comes out of their mouths.”[12] Instead, the emphasis is on traditional
culture and values. However, this traditional approach leads to Li saying,
“They always rely on their parents to buy them a car and a house.”[13]
She again questions their independence and through that their masculinity. From
this, independence can be seen as a detail of Chinese masculinity, at least for
Li. Wang’s testimony also corroborates this, but his explicit comparison of
American and Chinese masculinities is much more even than Li’s implicit
critique. He sees no differences.
If we draw
from the portrayal of masculinity in Wei Hui’s Shanghai Baby, “In the male world being able to perform sex normally
is as important as life itself, any shortcoming is an unbearable pain.”[14]
This introduces the unspoken element from these accounts of masculinity,
directly relating concepts of masculinity to sexual intercourse. This
assessment however, isn’t restricted to Chinese masculinity. As Jenny said, “To
be honest, the first thing I think of when I think of college guys masculinity
is sex.”[15]
This lends even more support to Wang’s assessment that there are equivalent
ideas in both countries. If we want to get a clearer picture of what is Chinese
and what is the influence of outside cultures however, it behooves us to turn
back and examine portrayals from the past.
In Miss Sophia’s Diary, a
character, Weidi is portrayed like this, “He just put his head down, started
bawling again, and rubbing tears from his eyes, staggered out the door. A scene
like this could [emphasis added] be
considered an ardent expression of tempestuous love… I feel it’s futile for him
to try to move me by acting like a child.”[16]
This passage also critiques what it views as a weak, dependent man, instead
favoring a foreign, independent man. Since this excerpt is not based on current
affairs, it can help us to try and piece out what influence is Chinese and what
is foreign, or American. From the interviews, we also have a similar account,
of a man in Hangzhou. “He’s a bit of a feminine guy. He’s delicate,
gentlemanly, emphasizes filiality, and when he talks about relationships, he
says he looks at every situation thinking, ‘she might be the one.’”[17]
From this sketch, we can assume he isn’t focused on sex, that he isn’t
physically imposing, and therefore that he isn’t masculine. But is that
assessment based on Chinese ideals or American? The exposure to American ideas
may have resulted in a different assessment than a ideally pure Chinese
standpoint. But since there are similarities between the interview and the
fictional account, it is safe to assume that such judgements are not mainly
based on American influences. As with American masculinity, Chinese ideals are
problematic. Beyond the fracturing based on region, tradition and even
ethnicity, which we did not discuss, there’s also the question of influence
from American media.
Perhaps a
better way to compare the two is through the lens of American men dating
Chinese women, in China. While this brings into play many other, complicating
factors involving ethnicity, power differentials and more, it allows us to
examine what Chinese women have to say about such masculinity. Before
addressing national Chinese opinions about these relationships and the men in
them, let’s look at American perceptions; “If it’s a white guy, there’s a flock
of women around them, regardless of whether they’re even attractive or not.” “I
think it’s some kind of fetish, ‘yellow fever.’ It’s like they don’t care about
the women, just that they’re another race.”[18]
“What’s wrong with it? We’re in the 21st century, people should be able to date
who they want.”[19]
In American narratives about the subject, there is both an approving strain
(usually from people who admit lack of in depth knowledge) and also a
castigating disapproval. As Jenny explained, “I guess I just think about the
men aren’t interested in any two way cultural exchange, they just learn enough
language to get a woman and there’s no interest in culture or background.”[20]
The motives of the men are impugned, and the fact that they aren’t attractive
in the eyes of the perceiver perhaps causes some resentment. Interestingly, as
Frank put it, “The resentment comes from a biological perspective, ‘These are
ours, those are theirs.’ It’s about possessive ideas of women.”[21]
From Jenny’s statement, it appears this perspective is not exclusive to men, it
may actually be exclusive to Americans.
From a Chinese side, the opinion was different, “I think if the emotion
is real, it’s a good thing.”[22]
“I don’t think it’s any different from dating with Chinese men.”[23]
The tolerance expressed in these sentiments is matched from some Americans as
well.
This
phenomenon has sparked the interest of experts and sociologists like James
Farrer, who has been conducting interviews over the course of several years,
has multiple insightful studies published discussing this and other aspects of
Chinese sexuality. He discusses the lack of information involved with the
formation of the ‘role’ of the foreign male, and also the effect that this
ideal has upon the men who benefit from it. “Put simply, many men suspected
that their desirability was based on Chinese women’s illusions, stereotypes and
instrumental purposes regarding foreigners.”[24]
This speaks the the perceptions of their masculinity. As Jenny remarked, the
attraction can be attributed to the ‘role’ of the man, rather than their
physical attractiveness. In another place, the realm wherein these relationships
formed is referred to as a “risky field of sexual play.”[25]
This metaphor of ‘play’ can help explain some of the tolerant attitudes
expressed towards it. Rather than take it as a serious nature, it can be
written off as unimportant. Although the focus of this essay is upon
masculinity, a quote from Lily shows that this approach is commonly accepted.
“The play is in the clubs. If you’re white, you get more play.”[26]
So to add to the questionable position these foreign men find themselves in,
ethnicity also plays a large role. This isn’t to say that all relationships are
meaningless play, several develop into marriages and business partnerships.[27]
Despite
the complexities inherent in these two masculinities, and the question of
whether they are truly separate and different, it seems as though there are
consistent attempts by individuals to compare them. The results of these
comparisons are often that American men are more masculine that Chinese men.
This extends even into the realm of homosexual relationships, which will be
explored in another essay later.[28]
The reasons behind this involve media portrayals, a sense of ‘otherness’ and
perceptions of social capital. Among support for interracial relationships,
there is also prejudice against them. As a result, the alienating nature of
being male in China comes from both sides. In review, determining masculinity
in any situation is complex and problematic, and no matter the place, each
person must endlessly negotiate this stormy sea of identity.
Sources
Ding Ling: “Miss Sophia’s Diary,”
tr. Tani E. Barlow, in I Myself Am a
Woman: Selected Writings of Ding Ling, Beacon Press, 1989, 49-81.
Farrer, James. A Foreign
Adventurer’s Paradise? Interracial Sexuality and Alien Sexual Capital in Reform
Era Shanghai. Sexualities 2010; 13;
69
Farrer, James. “Characters: Big and
Small.” In Opening UP: Youth Sex Culture
and Market Reform in Shanghai, Chicago: University of Chicago Press (2002),
83-115.
Farrer, James and Sun, Zhongxin.
Extramarital Love in Shanghai. The China
Journal, No. 50 (Jul., 2003), pp. 1-36
Farrer, James (2008) 'From
"Passports" to "Joint Ventures": Intermarriage between
Chinese Nationals and Western Expatriates Residing in Shanghai', Asian Studies
Review, 32:1, 7 - 29
Wei Hui, Shanghai Baby, Robinson, (2001)
[1] Interview with Frank, April 27,2014
[2] Interview with Kyle, April 24, 2014
[3] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[4] Ibid
[5] “Man's greatness consists in his ability to do and
the proper application of his powers to things needed to be done.” https://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/f/frederickd201575.html Accessed May 2, 2014
[6] Interview with Amy, April 30, 2014
[7] Interview with Wang, April 30, 2014
[8] Interview with Li, April 30, 2014
[9] Interview with Wang, April 20, 2014
[10] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[11] Interview with Daisy, May 1, 2014
[12] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[13] Interview with Li, April 30, 2014
[14] Wei Hui, Shanghai
Baby, Robinson, 2001, 5.
[15] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[16] Ding Ling: “Miss Sophia’s Diary,” tr. Tani E. Barlow,
in I Myself Am a Woman: Selected Writings
of Ding Ling, Beacon Press, 1989, 67.
[17] Ibid
[18] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[19] Interview with Daisy, May 1, 2014
[20] Interview with Jenny and Lila, April 30, 2014
[21] Interview with Frank, April 27, 2014
[22] Interview with Wang, April 30, 2014
[23] Interview with Li, April 30, 2014
[24] Farrer, James. Sexualities 2010; 13; 87
[25] Ibid. 80
[26] Interview with Jenny and Lily, April 30, 2014
[27] Farrer, James (2008) 'From "Passports" to
"Joint Ventures": Intermarriage between Chinese Nationals and Western
Expatriates Residing in Shanghai', Asian Studies Review, 32:1, 7 - 29
[28] Farrer, James.
Characters Big and Small. 111
